�����Ƶ

An Account of the Proceedings of the Company sent by the General Court of Massachusetts to observe the Solar Eclipse at Penobscot on 27 Oct. 1780; By James Winthrop

On Monday 9th Oct. 1780, We sailed from Boston in the sloop Lincoln-Galley, a vessel belonging to the Government. The Company consisted of ten persons besides passengers & mariners. Stormy Weather prevented our arrival at Camden till the fourteenth. Having obtained leave from Genl. Wadsworth, commander of the Massachusetts Forces in that department, a flag was sent from thence on the fifteenth to the British Commanders at Penobscot, with letters from the Reverend Professor Williams1, desiring permission to enter their harbor immediately, as our business was solely to promote the interest of Science, which is the common [strikethrough] cause [end strikethrough] ^interest of all mankind. Mr. Vernon took charge of the letters. On the 16th he returned with the answers of Lieut. Col. Campbell2 & Captain Mowatt3 [sic]. They both permitted us to come up the Bay immediately, & to anchor our Vessel in Williams’ cove on the east side of Long Island4, about three leagues from the British Fort5. From thence we were directed to go in our boat to the Albany, which lay near the fort, before we should land. Capt. Mowatt [sic] very politely offered us every assistance in his power towards promoting the business we had in view. Colonel Campbell received us with evident reluctance. His strict pro^hibitions of all communication with the Inhabitants put it out of our power to procure the smallest articles of refreshment, or any building to secure our Apparatus. In consequence of these orders we went up the bay to Williams’ cove on the 17th, & on the next day in our boat to the Albany. We found no convenient place for our Observations about the harbor. Being uncertain of our Longitude & Latitude, & surrounded by almost perpetual fogs, We determined to tarry at Long Island. With permission we took up part of an [sic] house & barn which were made to answer our purpose. On the 19th & 20th we set up our clock & other instruments. Till the 24th the weather was so thick, that we had no opportunity to make any observations, either for regulating the clock, or ascertaining the Latitude. The Variation we observed daily by means of a meridian drawn the first day of our being ashore. All our observations made it 11˚.55' West. In the year 1761

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

Doctor Winthrop observed the Variation to be 8˚. West at Fort Pownal about twelve miles N.E. from our place of Observation. Whence it appears, that contrary to the common opinion the Variation has been increasing in the eastern parts of this State for several years past.

The 24th, 25th, & 26th were spent in regulating the clock, & determining the latitude. The latitude appears from the mean of several Observations of the Sun & Fixed Stars to be 44˚.[7]'.8", which is not so far northerly as the maps represented.

On the Twenty Seventh the weather was perfectly fine. In the morning we took several Altitudes. A little before eleven o’clock the observers took their places: But as a compleat [sic] account of their Observations will be presented by Mr. Professor Williams6, to mention them particularly here would be needless. I shall confine myself to an account of the physical appearances; & content myself with remarking that the eclipse was greater than we had reason to expect at that place. As the Eclipse increased Fahrenheit’s Thermometer, which at the beginning stood at 58, gradually fell to 48 ½ where it stood at the time of the greatest observation. The weather was sensibly colder though the change was gradual. Our Prospect became confined, & distant objects were lost while those about us assumed a gloomy appearance. The Sky, particularly at the northeast, appeared as if charged with a thick fog. The Darkness was so great, that a lanthorn was necessary in counting the Clock; yet we had light enough abroad to distinguish countenances without any difficulty, & to write down our observations. Shades were better defined than they ever are by moon-light; and the Sun, even at the greatest obscuration, shone with such dazzling brightness, that those of the company, who looked without a colored glass, could hardly perceive the Eclipse. Venus was seen clearly by the whole company shining with a vivid light. Several other Stars were seen, among which were Lucida Lyrâ & Aridef. The part of the Sun which remained uneclipsed was not more than one eightieth part of his diameter, & one eighth of his Circumference. The upper cusp was ragged & ^the lower one rounded. At the upper point appeared two drops as bright as Stars of the first magnitude7. At the end of the eclipse the Thermometer had risen to 58, where it was when the eclipse begun. The dew which fell on a sheet of paper twelve inches square was found immediately after the middle of the Eclipse to be 4 ½ grains. On another sheet at the end of the Eclipse it was 3 grains. The proceding [sic] night it was 6 ½ & the night following 7 grains.

On the 28th we packed our Instruments, & sent them aboard the Vessel. The next day we set sail, & on the 10th of November arrived in Boston.

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Height of the Thermometer at Penobscott [sic], at noon.

Octo.    20.th    53
    21.st    55
    22.d    49
    23.d    49
    24.th    52 ½
    25.th    55 ½
    26.th    59 ½
    27.th    49
    28.th    55

Account of Dew in troy weight
At Penobscot Oct. 1780
day    dew
    dist.gr.
20    6.    13
21    8.    18
22    9.    0
23    9.    7
24    5.    20
25    6
26    6 ½
27    6 ½
28    7

The double line represents that part of the Sun’s disk which remained uneclipsed, with the two drops at the upper cusp.

[semi-circular diagram]

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Mr Winthrop's acct of the proceedings of a voyage to Penobscot -- Octr. 1780

Read Jany 31. 1781

Referred

[sideways]

Penobscot Voyage Octr 1780 --

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Endnotes

• 1

  Samuel Williams (1743-1817), professor, scientist, minister, editor, author and publisher, and Charter Member of the �����Ƶ.

• 2

  Lieutenant Colonel John Campbell, 74th Regiment, was commander of the British Forces in Maine.

• 3

  Captain Henry Mowat (1734–1798), commander of the 16-gun sloop HMS Albany in 1776, who successfully defended the British installation against the American Penobscot Expedition and siege, June–July 1779.

• 4

  Possibly Isleboro, a 14-mile long island in the Upper Penobscot Bay.

• 5

  Fort George, near Castine, Maine.

• 6

  Published as “An Account of a Very Uncommon Darkness in the States of New-England, May 19, 1780,” in the first volume of Memoirs, 1785 (available through JSTOR: ).

• 7

  This phenomenon is known as “Baily’s Beads”: named for British astronomer Francis Baily, who in 1836 noted the light effect produced during an eclipse by the uneven surface of the moon.

Barnabas Binney, “A Chirurgical Case of a Ball lodged in a wounded Soldier”

[underline] A Chirurgical Case of a Ball lodged in a wounded Soldier. [end underline]

John Conway, a British Soldier, was wounded at Bennington, in 1777, on the right side of his right thigh, about two inches above his knee, by a musket ball & two buck shot, which all struck in the space of two inches. The bone was very slightly fractured. The two buck shot were cut out, the whole [sic] healed up, in a few months, the Surgeon not being able to find the large ball.

In the year 1780, the remaining ball, which had been no inconvenience for three years, slip^ped from between the tendons of the muscles ^outwardly, nearly where it had entered, in such a manner that it co^uld be taken hold of & confinêd in the skin & cellular membrane. It was at this time proposed to the man by myself, who attended the jail where he was confined a prisoner of war, to cut it out: but he obstinately refused, though little more than skin was to be cut through. In the course of two months, the weight of the ball sunk it anew down

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

between the muscles of the leg. Its course was with^in the [underline] Gastrocnemius [end underline]. After it had sunk about two inches within & below this [strikethrough]M[end strikethrough]muscle, the [strikethrough]M[end strikethrough]man began to complain of paralitick [sic] affections ^of the toes, foot, & [strikethrough]L[end strikethrough]leg where it was. This paralysis in ten days became general on the right side of his body, & was so plainly the effect of the ball, that it was folly to think of any other remedy than the removal of the ball. We therefore immediately attempted to alter its position, by constant & extraordinary flexion & [extention] [sic] of the [strikethrough]L[end strikethrough]leg; by pressure, friction, &c. After various experiments tending to alter the situation of the ball for six weeks, when laying him one day on his back, throwing his thigh upon his body, & ru^bbing along the calf of his [strikethrough]L[end strikethrough]leg, then in a perpendicular position, the ball was felt to go back towards his thigh, evidently for the space of two inches; upon which the sensibility of the whole side instantly return^ed. I again urged the propriety of dissecting it out, but to no purpose he wo^uld not consent. Wearing a tight bandage round the [strikethrough]L[end strikethrough]leg below the [strikethrough]B[end strikethrough]ball & walking none, he remain’d free from both palsy & [strikethrough]C[end strikethrough]convulsion for three months; when suddenly running on the cry of fire in the [strikethrough]Gaol[end strikethrough] jail, it again slip^ped down behind or within the [underline] Gastrocnemius [end underline]. When it first slip^ped down ^this time, it produced gradually a species

[end page 2  |  begin page 3]

of convulsion in every respect resembling the common St. Vitus’s dance1, excepting that only the right side was affected. This convulsion varied in such an extraordinary ^manner, as at times to exhibit all the different species [Sauvage], [Cullen], or any of the [[strikethrough]C[end strikethrough]classing] authors have described. Having recourse to the same methods used before, the [strikethrough]B[end strikethrough]ball was again brought toward the thigh, when I was determined, [strikethrough]W[end strikethrough]whether the man consented or not, to dissect it out; & accordingly with proper assistants attempted[.] But the man being very strong, in strug^gling broke from us, when the [strikethrough]B[end strikethrough]ball again descended. It is to be particularly remarked ^that when the [strikethrough]B[end strikethrough]ball was moved back toward the thigh the second time, all convulsions entirely ceased, while his sensibility was as great, & his motions as voluntary & free as ever. Also when it descended the third time, it [produced] gradually as it sunk, in the space of twelve months, every possible variety & [strikethrough]D[end strikethrough]degree of palsy & [strikethrough]C[end strikethrough]convulsion the authors have ever hinted at. It having never been possible to get the [strikethrough]B[end strikethrough]ball back again, & the man ever refusing to have his leg taken off, he now remains the most deplorable prey of both palsy & [strikethrough]C[end strikethrough]convulsion.

[end page 3  |  begin verso]

III.  [underline] A Case of Palsy and Convulsion from a [strikethrough]Musquet[end strikethrough] Musket Ball lodged under the Muscles of the Leg.  Communicated in a Letter from ^Dr. Barnabas Binney, late Hospital Physician and Surgeon in the American Army, to the Honble Benjamin Lincoln Esq. F. A. A., [end underline]

[written sideways]

[strikethrough] A Chirurgical Case of a Ball lodged in a wounded Soldier.
By Dr. Binney
Rec’d [Novr 13 1782] [end strikethrough]

No. 3

[Not associated] [in pencil]

2 pages print

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Endnotes

• 1

  “Saint Vitus Dance” was the common name given to the neurological disorder Sydenham’s chorea (or chorea minor), which is characterized by rapid, uncoordinated movements primarily affecting the face, hands, and feet. The disorder was so named because it resembled the sporadic dancing by which people in the Middle Ages celebrated the feast of Saint Vitus (c. 290-c. 203). Entries for “Vitus” and “Sydenham’s chorea” on Wikipedia; accessed 28 August 2013.

James Lovell to James Bowdoin, 1780 December 9

Decr. 9th 1780

Sir

Just before the present Contest I read, in some English publication, the Sentiments of One who supposed he had recovered the lost art in Masonry of forming Cement firm & durable as Stone. It was by vivifying, in portions for [underline] immediate [end underline] use, mortar which had been long mixed in the common Way: That was to be performed by the addition of a small Quantity of quick Lime in Powder as the Time of Remixture.

But a more scientific French Publication has lately come to my Hands, the Perusal of which has afforded me Pleasure. I do myself the Honor of presenting it to you, in full Persuasion that if it meets with the approbation of your own Judgement, you will stimulate
architects

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

architects within the Influence of your Patronage to prosecute the Rules laid down in it, for the Benefit not only of the Capital but of every City throughout the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. My only Doubt springs from the Improbability that the [underline] plain [end underline] Rules of Vitruvius are now [underline] for the first Time [end underline] understood by moderns.

I am Sir your very humble Servant
James Lovell

Honble James Bowdoin Esqr.

[end page 2  |  begin wrapper]

Hon. James Lovell Esq on making Cement Decr. 9. 1786

Read Jany. 31. 1781

Disapproved

[address]

Honorable James Bowdoin Esqr.
Presidt. of the Society of Arts [sic]
Massachusetts

[end wrapper]

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George Sparhawk to Caleb Gannett, 1782 July 25; Barre, [MA].

Barre July 25th 1782

Sir

I recieved [sic] yor Letter of last September which gave me great Satisfaction to find those substances ware [sic] so kindly recieved [sic] by the �����Ƶ.

I shall always esteem it as most respectable duty to the �����Ƶ to Transmit to them everything that is New or Curious that falls in my way as a private person [sic]

I have lately received a quantity of Chalk made in the Country by art it is a sort of clay coloured marl taken from the bottom of a Pond where the water is six feet deep, it is made into balls and exposed to the fire till it becomes white. I shall send you one of those balls to accompany this

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

Letter. It is found in a plase [sic] cal’d Montague in Hampshire County.

I am Sir you most humble serv’t

George Sparhawk

Mr Caleb Gannett

[end page 2 | begin wrapper]

George Sparhawk
July 25. 1782
accompanying Pond Chalk

Read Novr. 13. 1782

Rejected [in pencil]

[address]

Mr Caleb Gannet
Secretary of the �����Ƶ
At Cambridge

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[Samuel Mather], The Credit, of the late prevailing Practice and Success of Inoculation for the Small Pox, justly claimed for Boston in New England: By a Bostonian Member of the American �����Ƶ of Sciences &c., at the Invitation of another Member of the �����Ƶ, [1783 January 14]

[14 Jan. 83] [in pencil]

The Credit, of the late prevailing
Practice and Success of [underline] Inoculation [end underline] for the
[underline] Small Pox [end underline], justly claimed
For [underline] Boston [end underline] in [underline] New England [end underline]:
By a [underline] Bostonian [end underline] Member1 of the [underline] American �����Ƶ [end underline] of Sciences &c, at the Invitation of [underline] another Member of the �����Ƶ [end underline]2

In the year of our Lord 1721, the Small Pox was brought into the City of [underline] Boston [end underline], and was spreading fast and making sad Havock [sic] in it.

At this very Time Dr. [underline] Cotton Mather of Boston [end underline] had been reading the Accounts published in the [underline] Philosophical Transactions [end underline], written by [underline] Timonius3 [sic] [end underline] and [underline] Pylarinus4 [sic] [end underline] concerning the Practice and Success of [underline] Inoculation [end underline] for the Small Pox in [underline] Turkey [end underline] and in [underline] Africa [end underline].

And as this benevolent Doctor judged it to be very probable from their Accounts, that the Practice of [underline] Inoculation [end underline] here might be productive of good Effects, and might prove, by the Divine Blessing, the Means of preserving the Lives of innumerable persons; therefore he wrote a Letter to the Physicians of [underline] Boston [end underline], wherein he laid before them an Abstract of the Accounts given by the two beforementioned [underline] Timonius and Pylarinus [end underline] concerning the Practice of Inoculation; and he desired them, for the Good of the Community, to meet together and consult concerning the introduction of the Practice of it among us.

The Physicians met accordingly: And, after discoursing on the Matter, they in general disapproved and rejected the Proposal, [strikethrough – illegible], that had ^been made to them, of making the Experiments.

One of them however, Dr. [underline] Boylstone5 [sic] [end underline] by Name, was singularly inclined and resolved to make the Experiment of it: And as he [underline] first [end underline] put it in Practice in this City; he generously performed the operation, first of all, on one of his own Children and a servant in his Family: But his Doing of this, for a season, gave great Uneasiness and Anger to his Neighbours; while it proved very safe and advantageous to his Domestics.

The success, that attended it, gave some Recommendation of it: And hence the Practice was continued: And, by the Prosecution of it, it obtained a growing Reputation; notwithstanding the many hard and injurious Speeches against it; and against them also, who spake and wrote, as they thought [strikethrough],[end strikethrough] favourably concerning it.

From the best information it appears, that, ^in the year 1721, near 300 Persons were inoculated here, weak and strong, high and low, rich and poor, young and old, from one year to seventy years old, Women with child and women in child bed: For the ^chief operator here, Doctor [underline] Boylstone [end underline], was not so careful and cautious in the Choice of the Subjects; as they were afterwards here and in [underline] England [end underline] also, who went into the Practice.

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

And yet, notwithstanding the Performance of it in such an indiscriminate and unguarded way; there were but [underline] five or six, [end underline] who died from it or after it, either from other Diseases and Accidents accompanying it, or chiefly from their taking the Infection in the natural way, or before they could receive it in the way of Transplantation.

As the People of [underline] Boston [end underline] were apprehensive of the Greatness of their Danger of being infected with the Small Pox in the natural way; for as much as it then raged and proved very destructive about them; hence they became more forward and adventurous to be inoculated: And hundreds, and even thousands, became inclined and resolved to undergo the operation.

And why should They be thought rash and imprudent? It was found from observation and Experience, that, when upwards of 5000 Persons in this City, in the common way of infection, had the [underline] Small Pox [end underline] within little more than half a year, near 950 had died of it, which is more than one in six.

In [underline] England [end underline] also the [underline] Small Pox [end underline], in the common way of Infection, has proved as mortal, as it has here: [For] from the Accounts, that have been received from [underline] Yorkshire, Chichester [end underline] and [underline] Wales [end underline] in [underline] England [end underline], it has been discovered that the proportion of them, who have died of the Small Pox in the natural way, has been somewhat more than 18 in a hundred: So that the natural Hazard of dying by that Distemper among those, that are visited with it, appears to be as [underline] one between five and six, [end underline] or somewhat above two in eleven.

After the considerable Practice and Success of Inoculation at [underline] Boston [end underline] in the year 1721, and the favorable Accounts of the same; there were Numbers in 1722 inoculated in [underline] England [end underline]; And, from the best Accounts we can get, there were then inoculated 61 by Dr. [underline] Nettleton [end underline], 17 by [underline] Claud. Amyand6 [end underline] Esquire Sergeant Surgeon, 57 by Mr. [underline] Maitland7 [end underline] Surgeon, 4 by Dr. [underline] Dover [end underline], 3 by Mr. [underline] Weymish [end underline] Surgeon, 3 by the Reverend Mr. [underline] Johnson [end underline], 4 by Dr. [underline] Brady [end underline] at [underline] Portsmouth [end underline], 13 by Mr. [underline] Smith [end underline] Surgeon and Mr. [underline] Dymer [end underline] Apothecary at [underline] Chichester [end underline], 3 by Mr. [underline] Waller [end underline] at Gosport, 8 by a Woman at [underline] Leicester [end underline], 6 by Dr. [underline] Williams [end underline] at [underline] Haverford West [end underline], 2 by two others near the same Place, one by Dr. [underline] French [end underline] at Bristol; in all 182: And only two of these Persons died: And, supposing, that they really died of Inoculation, as the Enemies to the Practice would have it, there was then, out of the 182, ^only one that died, [strikethrough – illegible] out of 91: And what? an Evident and remarkable Balance does this give in Favour of living by the method of Practice?

It was about a year after the successful and reputable Progress of Inoculation at [underline] Boston [end underline], that Dr. [underline] Boylstone [end underline] formed the Resolution to take a voyage to [underline] London [end underline]: And as he waited on his human and [courtesy] Patron, the pious and learned Dr. [underline] Mather [end underline], to desire him, that he would write by him to his Friends and Correspondents in [underline] England [end underline]; the Doctor wrote accordingly to them by him, and particularly to the worthy Dr. [underline] Quinn [end underline], Secretary to the Royal Society and Fellow of the College of Physicians at [underline] London [end underline], and recommended him to his Notice and Favour.

[end page 2  |  begin page 3]

As this worthy Gentleman, Dr. Quinn, inquired of Dr. [underline] Boylstone [end underline] concerning his method of practising Inoculation and the Success of it; he then put him [on] rendring [sic] an Account to the Public of the Persons inoculated by him and his way of managing them: And, having procured his Account from him, he advised Dr. [underline] Boylstone [end underline] to dedicate it to her Majesty Queen [underline] Caroline [end underline]; and he kindly asked and obtained the Queen’s Leave for it: which Account, when published, he had the Honour, by Dr. [underline] Quinn’s [end underline] Procurement, of presenting to the Queen with his own Hand.

This Queen, who shewed her Regard to knowing and useful Persons and loved to incourage [sic] beneficial Projections and Experiments, having read and considered Dr. [underline] Boylstone’s [end underline] Narrative, began to think it advisable, for the sake of preserving the Lives of her own children, to have them inoculated. However She previously desired some of the College of Physicians to try the Practice on some Criminals, who were condemned to dy [sic] for some small Felonies; whose Lives She promised them for their freely undergoing the Operation: And these Criminals readily complied with the Proposal: By which means they were saved from Destruction by the [underline] Small Pox [end underline] as well as the [underline] Gallows [end underline].

And hereupon the Gentlemen of the College recommended the Practice of Inoculation to be used on the Royal Children: And as it was accordingly put in Practice on them; it succeeded exceedingly well and to general Satisfaction.

Thus the Practice grew in high Esteem and Reputation: And, by the Caution and Prudence, which has been learned since and observed in the Practice of it; it has been demonstrated to be a most excellent Method for saving the Lives of innumerable Persons: And there is Reason to think that it may, by the continued Blessing of Heaven, continue to be a very beneficial method of Practice and very serviceable to the World.

All may see, if their eyes are open, that there was not much Regard paid to the Communications of [underline] Timonius and Pylarinus [end underline]; For no learned men in [underline] Europe [end underline] or [underline] America [end underline], until the year 1721, had recommended it: And hence it had not gained an Admission to be practiced in [underline] Europe [end underline] or [underline] America [end underline].

That Friend of the human Race, Dr. [underline] Mather [end underline], first recommended it for Trial at [underline] Boston [end underline]: And, being tried, in consequence of that Recommendation, it met with great success: And hence in [underline] England [end underline] they soon began to practice it: And as Queen [underline] Caroline [end underline], from Dr. [underline] Boylstone’s [end underline] Narrative, saw fit to have the Operation performed on some Criminals; and then by the Advice of some learned Physicians of the College, on her own Family to their Preservation; thus it has acquired Reputation in [underline] Brittain [end underline] [sic]: And, whereas it has been practiced ever since, continual and great success has attended it.

Upon the whole therefore, [underline] Boston [end underline], and the Gentleman who recommended it to the Physicians and people of [underline] Boston [end underline], ought to have the Credit of bringing forward and promoting the use of this satisfactory Practice in the World: For had it not been for them, it is probable, that the Practice of [underline] Inoculation [end underline] would have remained unused and unnoticed; though it might have remained in use stil [sic] in [underline] Turkey [end underline] and some parts of [underline] Africa [end underline].

[end page 3  |  begin verso]

Dr Mather on ye Small pox

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Endnotes

• 1

  Most likely Reverend Samuel Mathe (1706-1785; Charter Member, 1780). Son of Cotton Mather.  See Letterbook Volume 1, p. 60, letter to Benjamin Waterhouse.

• 2

  Most likely Benjamin Waterhouse (1754-1846; elected 1795), who was also researching epidemics at the time. See Letterbook Vol. 1, p. 60.

• 3

  Dr. Emmanuel Timonis (1669–1720) of Constantinople. Surname misspelled as "Timonius" throughout document.

• 4

  Dr. Iakovos Pylarinos (1659–1718) of Cephalonia. Surname misspelled as "Pylarinus" throughout document.

• 5

  Dr. Zabdiel Boylston (1679-1766) of Boston. Surname misspelled throughout document as "Boylstone".

• 6

  Dr. Claudius Amyand (1660-1740).

• 7

  Dr. Charles Maitland (1668-1748).

Jonathan Balch to James Bowdoin, 1783 May 24; Boston

Boston 24th May 1783

To Honorable James Bodwine [sic] Esqr

Sir the Engine pump which I shew you some time since I have put in Practice for Mr Barrel & Mr A Otis & they seem to ^be satisfied that it will answer all the Purpose that Can be desire:d or Expected Mr Otis’s was tried with a hose & Engine pipe which prov:d that with a proper hose & pipe it will carrie [sic] almost or Quite as far as a Common Engine. when [sic] the hose is taken of [sic] & the pump is use:d for Common Family use it works, with 2 thirds the labour that Common pumps do

But I had rather it should recomend [sic] itself. I doubt not if it is encoraged [sic] it will prove very serviceable to the Comunity [sic]. I send this modle [sic] to you Sir that if you Please & think it an improvement worth notice. You may Present it to the respectable body of art & siences [sic]

This I would Observe that tho the Mashene [sic] appears simple yet there must be Care & Exac^tness in all the work particularly in the Blacksmiths [sic] work, for in this pump, which I have fix:d in this way I have paid close attention to & am under Great Obligations to Mr Deacon the Blacksmith for his Care & Patience while doing the iron work

However I wish it may be of Publick Benefit & when I tell you Sir that my Family under Providence depends on my Labour & industry you will not doubt that I wish it may be servicable [sic] to me & if it should appear that my improvements or endeavours are worthy of Notice I should be exceeding happy to be indulged with Your Patronage

Your Huml Servent [sic] 
Jona Balch

PS

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

PS

Sir if ^you ask what the extreordenary [sic] Expence [sic] will be it is not more then [sic] 25 dollors [sic] or less then [sic] 20 Exclusive of a hose & pipe

it will be best when the modle [sic] is used to let the water stand in the boxes to keep them wet

Mr Bowdoin’s compliments to Mr. Balch – He will communicate to the American �����Ƶ Mr Balch’s Letter, & his miniature Pump-Engine; and doubts not they will be much pleased with ye Engine and do any thing in their power to encourage his Ingenuity.

Mr Bowdoin sends Mr Balch a couple of Letters: some which he may possibly take hints for the further improvement of his Pump-Engine. – He will please to return ye Letters to morrow [sic]. –

Friday Noon May 24. 1783

Mr. Jona. Balch’s Letter accompanied with a Miniature Pump-Engine presented by him to ye American �����Ƶ.- May 24 1783.
Read May 27. 1783

[end page 2]

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Letter from [Joseph Hamilton], [ca. 1783]; [Sharon, CT].

The great Boerhaave observe’s [sic], that there is, in each Plant, a Specific Juice inimitable by all other whatever_ which Difference (I suppose) is Doubtless constituted, by the Different Configuration of some of the Corpuscle’s of the Same Juice, which being applyd to other Bodies, must have an operation on them Different from all other [underline] whatever. [end underline] _  But is not this operation mechanical? Untill [sic] now I Did not know of the operation that any one material [underline] existance [end underline] [sic] has on another, but what is mechanical_ altho’ this Philosopher Denies it, & Says ‘tis pretty generally admitted that merc. acts by its Specific [underline] Virtue [end underline], and altho’ I confess I never heard the observation made before; yet I would return to [underline] Philosophos [end underline] my best Thanks, if he would explain to me, and let me know, what he means by his [underline] Specific Virtue [end underline].

It appears to me probable, that [underline] merc. [end underline], (when thrown into [strikethrough – illegible] Circulation) salivates by knocking off, and so freeing the Marine Acids from their peculiar Corpuscles, with which they are connected, and thus floating in the Juice’s [sic], [^] [underline] sd. acids [end underline], they purge the Salival Glands.   

But a very large [underline] proportion [end underline] of Marine Acids, is in [underline] Corros. Sub.1 [end underline] which are already prepared to float, & do their proper office in Circulation_ no wonder therefore that a very Small quantity of [underline] Corros. Sub. [end underline] will Salivate_

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‘tis probable that a very Small Proportion of the merc. gets into Circulation, when applyd by [underline] [Ungt] [end underline]._ The corpuscular attraction (in merc.) is so great that unless (by the admixture of some intervening Bodies) this [underline] attraction [end underline] is prevented) [sic] the merc. will not even enter the [underline] Lacteals. [end underline]_ This is very evident upon Tryal [sic] in, & about this Town._ I have known it several times given from [z4] to XL [zss], and remain in the Stomach & Bowels for Some Days, & no Salivation, nor any Ill effect Succeed; nay nearly the whole weight of merc. was after collected from the Stools_  This also Corresponds with the account we have of the Miners (who collect this article from the Earth) with whom it is Common, to swallow to the quantity of [ltss], without any Inconvenience, which is afterwards Collected, & [underline] wash’d [end underline] for Sale_

I cannot but just remark upon this Philosopher’s Declaring that he Does not [underline] hesitate [end underline] to Say that mankind are not yet so happy & yet, the [underline] very [end underline] next Breath Declare’s [sic] that if he err’s [sic] [strikethrough] his Error is like that of [end strikethrough] he errs with the Father’s [sic] ^of the art+ who [underline] forever [end underline] Speak with [underline] Doubt [end underline] and Diffidence_

Altho’ my Lord Bolingbroke’s observation is Just yet I cannot (at present) perceive the [underline] Quotation [end underline] to be applicable_

+ Who think as he does./ ^as to possess a medicine before which fever &c. see p 16._

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Endnotes

• 1

  Abbreviation for Corrosive Sublimate, another name for mercuric chloride.

Samuel Williams, Meteorological Observations made at Bradford, from 1771 to 1777

Nov 83 [in pencil]

Meteorological Observations made at [underline] Bradford, [end underline] from 1771 to 1777. By [underline] Samuel Williams [end underline], Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in the University at Cambridge.

The following Table contains the result of 6 years meteorological observations. The observations were taken three times in a day: At 6 o’clock A.M.; at 12; and at 9 P.M. The Barometer was one of the common sort. The Thermometer was one of [underline] Farenheits [sic] [end underline]. Both were very good instruments; made by [underline] Nairne [end underline], and kept in a lower Entry facing the North-East.

(The above only to be printed)

Experiments and Observations on [underline] Evaporation [end underline].

(Not to be printed)1

In a course of meteorological observations it is customary to set down the quantity of [underline] Evaporation [end underline] from the surface of Water. I made experiments of this kind during the year 1771, but they are not set down in the Table because I was not satisfied with the result. The method I used was this. I suspended a vessel in the open air, so as to be exposed to the wind and sun, but defended from the rain by a piece of glass fixed a few inches above the surface. This vessel I filled with water the first day of [underline] January [end underline], and noted at the end of the month how much of the water was exhausted. This was

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repeated every month in the year. – In the course of the experiments I observed that in the beginning of the month when the Tube was nearly filled [strikethrough] [with water] [end strikethrough] it exhausted much faster than towards the latter end, when one or two inches of the water was evaporated. The beginning of the year 1772 I attempted to examine the matter more carefully. With this view I made the following experiments.

Experiment I.

I procured two cylindrical vessels of three inches diameter, and six deep, as much alike as they could be made. One I filled with water, as I had done in 1771 once a month; the other with the same kind of water, once a week. There were placed about six inches a part [sic]; in such a manner as to be exposed to the wind and sun, but covered from the rain. – The result was that which was filled once a week exhausted about one third more than the other. In [underline] January [end underline] and [underline] February [end underline], the difference was a little less. In [underline] March [end underline] and [underline] April [end underline], it was a little more. In [underline] May [end underline], the last month in which I compared them, the evaporation from the former was 6,35 inches; the evaporation from the latter was 4,10 inches.

By this experiment I was convinced that it never could be known with much accuracy by either of these methods what quantity of water does really evaporate from the Surface of Seas, Lakes, Rivers &c. In the one case after about an inch is exhausted the surface of the water is too much sheltered from the wind, which greatly retards the evaporation. In the other, as the water has all the advantages of the wind, and is heated by the Sun and atmosphere to a considerable greater degree than the water in Seas and Rivers, the quantity of evaporation comes out too much. And therefore nothing certain as to the real quantity of evaporation from water fluids can be determined by such experiments however carefully they may be made.

Experiment II.

To measure with more certainty the real quantity of evaporation, I attempted in the next place to examine what was in fact from the surface of a River. This experiment was made in the following manner: I filled up one of the

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vessels with river water and placed it as before. The other I fixed in the center of a circular board of three feet diameter. This instrument by means of a line fastened to a tree on a small stand, was placed so as to float near the middle of [underline] Merrimack River [end underline]. To defend the tube against the dews and rain, a circular piece of glass 15 inches in diameter was supported by wires fixed to the board, 8 inches above the tube: And the whole was so ballanced [sic] by weights as to leave half an inch of the tube above the surface of the water. When thus afloat I filled the tube with water, proposing to let it remain in this situation a week, to see how much water would evaporate in that space of time. – After repeated disappointments by the rain, wind, and waves, for three months, I at last succeeded in trying the experiment from [underline] Aug. [end underline] 26. to [underline] Sept. [end underline] 2. During that time there was little wind, a still water, and no rain; nor any thing to disturb the experiments. The event was that at the end of the seventh day the tube was exhausted 1,15 inch. And that no water had got into the tube in that time, I was certain from this circumstance, all that part of the surface of the board which was within half a foot of the tube was dry every morning and evening. – In the other tube the evaporation in the same time was 1,50 inch; which gives ,35 parts of an inch difference between the real evaporation from the surface of the River, and that of the water when suspended in the air as in the other vessel. All the evaporations therefore measured the [strikethrough] [way] [end strikethrough] latter of these ways ought to be diminished in this proportion to have the true evaporation, such as it is in nature.

Experiment III.

These experiments on watery Fluids put me upon examining what the evaporation was from the Surface of the earth. To determine this, Sept. 14. two days after there had been any rain, I sunk one of the vessels into the earth in a light soil, so as to take up all the earth contained in a space equal to the contents of the vessel. Having carefully weighted the vessel and earth, I fixed it in the ground in a plain open field, exposed to the wind and sun,

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but defended from the dew and rain as in the former experiment. At the end of the seven days I took it up, and weighing it again found it had left 783 grains [underline] Troy [end underline]. – The diameter of the vessel being 3 inches, its surface expressed in the nearest whole number was equal to 9 square inches. Dividing the number of grains that evaporated 783, by the number of square inches contained in the surface of the vessel 9, we shall have 87 grains for the evaporation from one square inch. And this assuming 254 grains as the weight of a cubic inch of water, will give 34/100 parts of an inch as the depth of water that passed off by evaporation. – In the other vessel filled with water and placed as before, the evaporation in the same time was exactly one inch. If this experiment may be supposed to represent the operations of nature, the conclusion will be that the evaporation from the surface of the earth is about [underline] one third [end underline] part of what the evaporation is from the surface of water.

Experiment IV.

Another thing I had in view was to know what the evaporation was from Plants, Trees &c. To make an estimate of this [underline] Aug. [end underline] 20. I took up four different sorts of plants, with as much earth adjoining to them as wholly covered their roots. Each plant with the earth thus about it, being six inches square, I put into a wooden box of the same form and size. The boxes were covered with thin lead well cemented at the joints that nothing might evaporate that way. They had two small apertures at the top; one for the stem of the plant; and the other that the plant: and the other that the plant might be supplied with water, which I kept stopped when not in use. Having taken the weight of each, I placed them in the ground that they might have the same degree of heat as before; having as much of the plant above the surface of the earth as when

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it was in its natural state. In this situation I added known quantities of water, aiming to put in from time to time as much as I thought they would throw off. At the end of thirty days I took them up, taking an exact account of their weight as before, and also that of each plant. The result is expressed in the following particulars.

In this experiment the evaporation from these four small plants was 10944 grains: amounting to above 43 cubic inches of water in 30 days. The evaporation in the same time from the vessel suspended in the air was 425 in depth. The quantity therefore thrown off by the plants was more than what the evaporation would have been from a watery surface of 10 inches square. – If this way of reasoning may be applied to fields covered with trees, grass and other vegetables, the inference will be that the evaporation for several months is greater from them than it is from equal areas of the surface of water.

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Revd Professor Williams
Meteorological Observations at Bradford from 1771 to 1777
Read Novr. 12. 1783

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Endnotes

• 1

  The remainder of the document is crossed out to further illustrate that it should not be printed, but is still entirely legible and so has been transcribed.

[Daniel] Little, “The Effect of a Clay Poltis [sic] in a cancerous Case,” [ca. 1783?]

The Effect of a Clay Poltis [sic] in a cancerous Case

The wife of Nathan Wells of the Town of Wells aged 30 years, mother of 5 Children, naturally of a very trim habit of Body and of very cheerful Mind. In Apl. 1780 she discovered in one of her Breasts a hard knotty substance abt. ye Bigness of a common Bean. In Sepr. following the whole Breast became swelled very painful and hard. She used the correct Poltis [sic], took freely of the hemlock Pills and drank daily of the malt Tea. In Jany. ^81 the Breast broke and discharged a small matter by one orifice abt ye Bigness of one eighth of a Dollar, and a number of smaller ones. It soon began to eat away (as she expressed it) the pain very [exquisit] [sic] and her hopes of recovery so slender that a gent. of the Faculty of great Reputation declined taking off the Breast, having himself no hopes of a radical cure.

At this Time the good womoman [sic] applyed [sic] a clay Poltis [sic] ( to which she was advised by a Friend in ye neighbourhood from ye good Effect of it upon a painful Tumor on ye Leg.)  She renewed the Poltis [sic] 3 times in a Day – in less than 24 hours was free from pain and within nine Weeks her Breast became soft and sound and remained so till the last week in June when this account was taken from her own mouth. She observed when she used the dried clay for a Poltis [sic] it had no Effect. She also observed that ^for some time after her Breast was healed and had the appearance of sound and good Flesh, if she omitted the Poltis [sic] but a few Days, the burning Heat and pain in her Breast returned, but upon a Renewal of the Poltis [sic], it soon became easy and quiet again. She is now in the far advanced Period of Pregnancy and is able to attend to the Cares and Business of the Family as in like circumstances heretofore. Malt Tea was used ^before and thro the whole Time of using the clay Poltis [sic] and some other internal medicines.

I was curious to examine the clay. It has the appearance of common Brick clay with ye addition one eighth Part of yelloish [sic] ochre.

It is a Stratum of clay about 6 Inches below the grass sward and above a Bed of common soft blue clay and adjoining to the highest Border of the salt mash where pretty [ful] [sic] Tides flow.

What Effect the clay Poltis [sic] with other medicines may have in similar cases, let further Experiments declare.

If the above acct. should occation [sic] any new and useful [Spirits] for the comfort of the afflicted, it will answer the Intention of its Preservation by their Sincere Friend,

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Professor Sewall

Cambridge

Mr. Little, on Clay Poultice

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Jonathan Williams to the �����Ƶ, 10 December 1783

Gentlemen.    Nantes 10 Decem 1783.

Our Country has already become Famous for its bold Exertions in the Cause of Liberty, and the success of them have established a Reputation which I hope will end only with Time. After having obtained an assylum [sic] for Humanity, I am happy to see associations formed for its benefit by the Encouragement of Science.

France has is [sic] this Respect lately astonished Europe by the most surprising decovery [sic] [strikethrough] which [end strikethrough] that has been made for ages past, and which, by a Relation of it only, has more the appearance Fable
than

The Philosophical Society
Boston.

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

Truth [sic]; But however the Weak & Ignorant may reject things of this kind because above their Capacitys [sic] to comprehend, the Sensible & informed will examine every discovery well, and not pronounce it useless because it is in its Infancy. To travel through the air at the height of 1500 Rod seems extraordinary, but it is now known to be possible, and I doubt not a method will soon be found to guide the Machine as well as we now guide a Ship: To a Person who had never seen or heard of a Ship, the one & the other would appear equally impossible. I send you inclosed [sic] Extracts from a Paris Journal1, which will give you a full account of the
several

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several Experiments which have been made.

Of these machines there are two the first invented by Mr Mongolfier ^is made of a light Linnen [sic] covered with [gunnied] Paper it is filled with the Vapour arising from burning Straw, it is made in a globular Form ^with a Neck like that of a Jug, when empty, it is like an empty bladder, & when filled it takes its proper shape. The air on the Inside being specifically lighter than the atmospherique [sic] air, it rises naturaly [sic], and takes up a Weight something lighter than the difference between the Weight of the air on the inside & that of the atmosphere, thus a Machine of about 40 or 50 feet diameter will take up from 1600 to 2000 weight at least.

The second machine is invented by Mr
Charles

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Charles & is made of [gunnied] Silk, also in a globular Form – it is filled with inflammable air produced by a dissolution of the filings of Iron in vitrolique [sic] acid, which is about 7/8 lighter than atmospherique [sic] air, the principle of both Machines is the same, and in both the Elastic quality of the interiour [sic] air is sufficient to oppose the pressure of the outward, & so compensate for the difference of the weight. Under the mouth of the first Machine it is necessary to keep up a fire to feed it, which is done by a grate pending, on each side of which hangs a kind of Basket with a Man in each. The second requires no fire, & if made so Tight as that no air can escape, it would take its place in the atmosphere & there continue forever, rising or descending
only

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only as the weight [strikethrough] may [end strikethrough] might change by change of weather. Mr Charles contrived a kind of Char [sic] which was suspended under his machine thus. A Net covered the upper half, & from this Net decended [sic] a number of Cords all around which were united to the Char at the Bottom, so [strikethrough] as [end strikethrough] that the weight bore equaly [sic]._ by means of a Pipe with a Cork to it he could let out Air when he pleased and thus reducing the proportionate Lightness his own weight would cause it to descend, but as it would carry up much more than his own weight, he put a quantity of sand in his Char, thus in case the descent became too rapid, by having let out too much air, he could always check it by throwing out some sand, so being able to dimish [sic]
his

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his weight, and diminish his lightness at will, he could rise and fall exactly as he chose.

Mr Montgolfiers [sic] Machine is not expensive and it requires but a few minutes to fill it, but it is subject to the accident of [strikethrough] burning [end strikethrough] taking fire. Mr Charles’s on the contrary is costly, & requires Time to fill it, but it requires no fire and seems in this respect the safest.

I refer you to the inclosed [sic] Papers & am with great Respect

Gentlemen

your most obed servant
Jon Williams

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The Philosophical Society 
Boston

Air Balloon 
Jona Williams Esq 
Read May 25 1784

[end wrapper]

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Endnotes

• 1

  Not included with this manuscript; presumed lost.

Edward Wigglesworth, Meteorological Observations made at Cambridge, 1784

26 Jan 84 [in pencil]

The Results of the meteorological Observations made at Cambridge, 1784. By E. Wigglesworth

The Barometer is a common, portable one. The Thermometer is a mercurial one, of Fahrenheit’s Scale. Most Instruments were made by Jas. Champney, London. They are suspended in a [Stair] Case, by the Side of a Window, facing nearly North.

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Rev. Edwd Wigglesworth
Meteorological Observations for 1784
Read Jany. 26 1785

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Ezra Stiles to Joseph Willard, 1784 July 3; Yale College, [CT]

Reverend Sir

Yale College July 3. 1784.

Some time past [sic] I forwarded the [Subscriptions] for the Transactions of the �����Ƶ of Arts & Sciences, which I am sorry was so small.

I beg leave to communicate the inclosed papers of Mr Hanks thro’ your hands to the �����Ƶ. He drew them up at my Request for this purpose. It is but the fly or Smoke Jack applied to Clock’s [sic] — & is [underline] perpetual motion [end underline]. It might be most useful in Ch[urc]h Clocks, & those on public [b]uildings. It’s [sic] only use is to keep a Clock perpetually wound up. Our Genl. Assembly last Winter gave Mr Hanks a patent for a right exclusively of making & vend’g them in this State. A ventilator 10 Inc[h]. Diam[ete]r. will raise a 56th.

Pray when do you intend to send up some of the Harvar[d] [man] Literati in a Balloon to me upon the Density of the [Super] Regions in the Atmosphere? I am Reverend Sir

Your affectionate Brother
Ezra Stiles

Mr. Hanks has made & affixed a Planetarium to one of his Air Clocks.

President Willard

[note below in lighter ink]
July 2[?] 1784. Col. Miranda comes to [me?] [text loss due to tear] recommended by [Revd?] [text loss due to tear] Livingston; Judge Hobart &c as a literary Character, and he has [s]uch an ardent Thirst for Knowledge & a strong Desire ^to know the [underline] Learning [end underline] as well as [underline] Policy [end underline] of these States, that I cannot but take leave to recommend him to you & the Gentlemen of your University. He is a Gentleman of [extensive] [Observa] & [Agreemt] with Life & the state of the World. He is a Spaniard of So. Amer. – educated at one of the Colleges in Mexico, has travelled ^a part of Europe, – is a fervent Lover of Liberty.

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Prest Stiles’s Letter with Mr Benja Hanks’ account of his Pneumatic Clock
Read Novr 10. 1784

N. 8._
[underline] Jany. 1802 [end underline]

[address]

The Reverend Joseph Willard
President of the University in Cambridge

Honored by Colo. Miranda }

[end verso]

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Benjamin Hanks, “A Description of a Pneumatic Clock,” 1784 July 1

A Description of a Pneumatic [strikethrough] Horologe [end strikethrough] Clock

[strikethrough] As the Result of [end strikethrough] Experiments, made on the Air Clock, shew that there is sufficient Air in motion where there is a close room with a small inlet for the Air to pass; ^and as it is found by experiments that the Air in ^such a [strikethrough] close [end strikethrough] room is more rare than the external Air, of course the external Air will press in to restore the equilibrium Which will cause a [strikethrough] momentum or [end strikethrough] motion of Air, of sufficient ^momentum to keep a Machine in motion provided it is constructed to run a long Time, as ten Days ^for [Instance]; for there is always Air sufficient to raise the [strikethrough] [wate] [end strikethrough] weight in that [strikethrough] [arm] [end strikethrough] space [underline] of Time.

I shall here shew the principles of the Air Clock, and how to calculate the numbers for the Movements, in as clear and compendious a manner as ^I possibly can.1 [strikethrough] be, In all Automatic or [end strikethrough] Machines of Clock work, there is a Natural Agent, or principle of motion, which by acting on one part, gives motion to that and all the other parts Depending upon it, and thus becomes the Primum Mobile, or first mover to the whole machine.

[strikethrough] As The Natural Agent or weight by [descending], in process of Time [strikethrough] will [end strikethrough] would come to a stop, as it cannot move an Infinite Length, therefore it becomes necessary to apply the Elements of Air to assist the Machine in raising the weight as fast as it ^descends, otherwise the motion would stop.2

It is Necessary to construct this Machine, so [strikethrough] as to [end strikethrough] that the weight may have the same Power on the Machine, while raising, as decending [sic]; otherwise while winding, it would come to a stand.

{{Fig. I}}
In order to do this, let A ^in Fig. I be the Barrel Wheel, and B the Cap that slips ^upon at the arbour at the Wheel C, which

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

Covers the wheels C & D. The wheel D is made so as to fit on the cap at E, which moves free, and takes hold of the teeth of the wheel A, the arbour of the wheel C goes through the Barrel F, and moves free in the hole at F ^which hole is about three Tenths of an Inch.  When the arbour that comes through the Barrel F is turn’d with the wheel C made fast on the end; of course it will turn the wheel D, which is on the cap at E, & by that meanes [sic] raise the weight G; and while raising, the wheel D acts ^internally on the Barrel wheel A, and keeps the Machine in motion, while the weight G is raising, with the same force as when descending; therefore the result is, [strikethrough] were it to wind ten Days [end strikethrough] ^that while the Clock is winding up it would keep to uniform Motion.

Having thus shewn the Nature and [strikethrough] manner of the [end strikethrough] Mechanism of the Barrel wheel, we shall procede [sic] to the Movement.

{{Fig. II}}
Let A ^in Fig. II be the Barrel wheel of the Time part with 156 teeth which drives a pinion of 16 ^leaves at B, which is the center pinion; on this pinion is the dial work as in other Clocks; the wheel C, with 128 teeth drives a pinion of 16 leaves at D, the wheel E with 120 teeth drives a pinion of 16 leaves at F, the wheel G with 64 teeth drives a pinion of 16 leaves at H, the wheel I with 15 teeth [plics] on the Pallets at K which causes the 9 inch pendulum I to vibrate half seconds; the second hand revolving on the pinion F[.]

Having thus given a discription [sic] of the Time part, we shall in the next place describe the striking part.

Let M be the Barrel of the wheel of the striking part with 156 teeth, which [strikethrough] draws [end strikethrough] drives a pinion of 16 leaves at N, the pin wheel O with 128 teeth [strikethrough] draws [end strikethrough] drives a pinion of 16 leaves at P, the wheel Q with 112 teeth [strikethrough] draws [end strikethrough] drives a pinion of 16 ^leaves at R, the wheel S with 90 teeth [strikethrough] draws [end strikethrough] drives a pinion of 16 ^leaves at T, which is the fly. There are 12 pins in the wheel M which count the hours; the pins take hold of the point of the lifting piece V, and raising the ketch at W by that

[end page 2  |  begin page 3]

meanes [sic] the pin in the wheel q takes hold, and the motion is stop’t [sic].  The pins in the wheel O lift the Hammer pin at X, and cause the Hammer to draw back where the pin is by the spring at y, & forces back the hammer against the Bell Z; the Lifting piece a by mean [strikethrough]e[end strikethrough]s of the minute wheel B is raised and unlocks the parts which are at rest and puts the train of wheels in motion, and strikes the the [sic] proper Hours.

In order to have the Machine wound up with Air, it is necessary to have two endless screws b. e. to take hold of the two wheels c d, which are on the two arbours on the outside of the frame plate, ^g is a contrate wheel, which the pinion of the ventilator h Drives.  k is the ventilator h the pinion that drive the contrate wheel g the Air turns the ventilator, and of course the contrate wheel g by that the two endless screws take hold of two wheels that are on the Barrel arbours which raises the two weights m n.  By this mean[strikethrough]e[end strikethrough]s is made a Machine that would move unceasing, could matter be discovered to compose it so far impenetrable as to resist [strikethrough] the unimpaired the impulse of its Motion.

[strikethrough] B. Hanks [end strikethrough]

(turn over)

[strikethrough] Litchfield                        Benjn Hanks
July 1st 1784 [end strikethrough]

[end page 3  |  begin page 4]

The Ventilator is ten Inches Diam’r & consists of twelve thin metallic winds or Flies set obliquely at about 45˚ with the Plane of the Ventilator.  It is placed behind the Clock work at a Perforation or hole of equal Diam’r in the wall or side of the House, at which there is a free [strikethrough] Ingress & Egress [end strikethrough] communication of this from abroad.  In a Clock which has run for about a year, the weights have never been found to have descended (unwound up) five Inches.  One hours [sic] good wind will raise them the whole Altitude for ten days: and seldom three days but that they are fully would up.  Usually it is constantly wound up, as there is ordinarily air eno’ every day for this purpose.

Litchfield July 1. 1784     Benjamin Hanks

[sideways]

The Acady of Arts & Sciences Boston

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Endnotes

• 1

  The following passages are crossed out but still legible, and so have been transcribed.

• 2

  This ends the crossed out section.

Benjamin Guild to James Bowdoin re: importance of agriculture, [1785 August 24]

[Boston Aug 24, 1785]

Hon. J. Bowdoin Esq.

[Prest.] of Am. Acy. &c.

Sir,

When it is recollected that Agriculture is the most beneficial of all human employments, and that [strikethrough] not [end strikethrough] it is [strikethrough] not only [end strikethrough] the support and the source of riches and grandeur to most nations and kingdoms in the civilized world, and particularly when we are are [sic] convinced that it is essential to the prosperity and ^perhaps the very being of this Commonwealth, I presume that any suggestions concerning it or any efforts to promote it will at least be pardoned if not applauded. It is astonishing to me that the variety of soil to be found in this State and the numerous gentlemen of wealth and speculation that live in different parts of it have not concurred to produce more experiments and to adopt some method of for reducing the business of husbandry to a more regular system. Within this State we have soils [strikethrough] & [situations] [end strikethrough] of almost every description. Upon Cape Cod & the neighborhood of Plymouth it is sandy and dry, and consequently barren. In the vicinity of Boston it is moist & springy and for the most part strong and fertile. Upon Connecticut river we have rich Intervale. And in the middle and Western Counties, which are somewhat mountainous, we have a mixture calculated for experiments, and perhaps for productions of every kind. We have also an almost endless variety

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

of situations. Upon the sea-coast the Islands, Peninsulas, Flats, & Marshes, with the vegetable productions and other advantages of ^the sea afford openings for [strikethrough] improvement [end strikethrough] investigation.

The interior part of the state abounds with such a multiplicity of [strikethrough] hills [end strikethrough] mountains and plains, hills and vallies [sic], ^ponds, rivulets, [strikethrough] ponds [end strikethrough] and springs of water running in all directions and at all seasons as to afford ample scope for Experiment in every branch of Agriculture. And is it because no advantage will arise from the most easy and profitable cultivation of the soil that no no [sic] greater efforts are made to know its strength and the surest method of producing the largest crop with the smallest labor? It is because it will not conduce to the wealth, independence and happiness of this Commonwealth that no combination has been formed, that no society has been instituted for making trials in the first and most essential of all arts and [strikethrough] of [end strikethrough] for communicating the effects of such trials, ^in order that one person and one age may reopen the advantage of the labor and experience of another? Sure I am that no undertaking can be more noble or ^more praiseworthy [strikethrough] that [end strikethrough] than that which lessens the labor and at the same time encreases [sic] the wealth and happiness of ^a people. I think therefore the ^following considerations are of the utmost importance to the Community.

[strikethrough] An exact knowledge of the [end strikethrough] What is the nature [strikethrough] and strength [end strikethrough] ^& particular properties of the soil in the different Counties & towns in the State,

[end page 2  |  begin page 3]

and [strikethrough] the [end strikethrough] ^whence fitness of one in preference to another for raisin[g] grain, vegetables, roots or fruit and ^what the most successful practice of ^cultivation at present adopted. What kind of soil may be ^most easily made to produce flax and hemp and whither the latter may not be cultivated to such advantage as to furnish us with a full supply without imposition. Whether wheat may not be raised in the Eastern counties to great advantage, either by importing foreign seed, or by a particular mode of cultivation; and whether it may not be severed against blasts and mildews.

What kind of stock is most advantageous for the farmer, whether horn cattle, sheep, or horses; or what properties of either.

What season of the year is best calculated for plowing, and whether different soils do not require different seasons. The best method of collecting and preserving manure & What kind of manure is best calculated for each respective soil, and also whether a mixture of soils may not answer the purpose of manure.

Whether any method can be adopted for preventing or curing the diseases of cattle, or for preventing the dstruction [sic] frequently made [strikethrough] of [end strikethrough] by bugs and insects.

How the farmer can most easily procure forage or subsistance [sic] for his stock during the [dubious] winter of this climate, what is the best kind of hay, [strikethrough] and [end strikethrough] ^or whether there can be a better substitue [sic] for it.

What the best and cheapest method of procuring fuel and whether turf or quitcoal can be introduced to advantage.

[end page 3  |  begin page 4]

These ^with many others of the like nature appear to me to be objects of the most pressing Importance and to tend most directly [strikethrough] than any other, that can be mentioned [end strikethrough] to the ^permanent wealth and Independence of the State. The increase of some kinds of manufactures may be a benefit to us, and is no doubt worthy the [strikethrough] the [end strikethrough] attention of the patriot and the legislator. But I conceive large manufactories to be not only unnecessary and unprofitable, but injurious in the present state of this republick [sic]. If they are managed to advantage they must have a large number of workmen employed by the owner or undertaker and these workmen must continue the same pursuit thro’ life, which, at the same time that [it] depress [sic] if not debases their minds, enriches their employer & gives him the power of [strikethrough] controlling their [end strikethrough] engrossing, or if I may so express it, monopolizing their industry.

By this means that equality so essential to our future prosperity is endangered; and [strikethrough] at the same – in my opinion [end strikethrough] there are many reasons to be offered why the effects of this labor or industry ^is not so beneficial to the state as if employed in cultivating the soil.

[end page 4  |  begin page 5]

The encouragement and success of Commerce is also ^an object of still greater [strikethrough] Imp [end strikethrough] Consequence, and it deservedly employs the thouts [sic] and exertions of the wisest and most deserving citizens: and when under good regulations may aggrandize and strengthen a people. But [strikethrough] it is [end strikethrough] ^the good effects of it are attended with much more risque [sic] and uncertainty than those of Agriculture. Why therefore ought not every attention to be paid ^to this most valuable art, and every exertion made in favor of it? Other nations, and even other States in the American Union have set us an example; none of whom perhaps stand [strikethrough] so [end strikethrough] more in need of its beneficial effects than we do. And it appears to me that ye American �����Ƶ was not only initiated with a particular view to promote and encourage it, but that every member individually and the whole conjointly are called upon at this time to devise the most probable means for the purpose. [strikethrough] The eyes of the public are upon it. [end strikethrough]

That some effective measures may be immediately adopted is the most ardent wish of him who is, Sir, with respect and esteem your most humble Servant―

B / B1

[end page 5  |  begin verso]

B Guild to J Bowdoin
Aug 24. 1785

Copy

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Endnotes

• 1

  While the initials read “BB”, the author is identified as Benjamin Guild on the verso of this document and in the Minute Books, Volume 1.

John Gardiner to James Bowdoin, 1786 September 16; Beacon Street, Boston.

Beacon Street, Boston, Septr 16: 1786

Dr Sir!

The drawing which I had the honor to deliver to you the last Evening of the Ferry Boat and it’s [sic] Passage over the western Branch of the Deleware [sic], at [underline] Bethlem [sic] [end underline] is the work of Mr. [underline] Garritson1 [sic] [end underline], one of the [underline] Moravian Brethren [end underline], an old Sea Captain, who, as he told me, was the Inventor of that natural, curious, & most convenient Passage Boat or Ferry Boat over the River. The Drawing, I think, sufficiently explains the easy Transfir [sic] of the Boat over the River, and, if properly attended to, may be of general use to mankind. As to the [underline] Grainary [sic] [end underline], the model of which I had the honor to communicate to your Excellency, I think it2 speaks for itself; – and if to prevent all Destruction from ^Bats, mice, & all other Vermin, to keep the Grain constantly ventilated & dry, & free from all heating and moulding, can recommend this Grainery [sic] before all others of a different Construction I flatter myself the upright [crossed out text] ^truncated Grainery [sic] (the Model of which I have submitted to your Excellency’s Inspection and which has gained your approbation) will
Soon

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

soon be adopted among, and ^be in general Use with, us._ If [underline] peculation3 [end underline] may be expected, the Lock on the remote Side of the upper or lower part, and the Lock on the upper Part, where a Door is made and fixed in the Littice [sic] work, will fully answer every Purpose of the cautious and prudent Farmer. Your Excellency hath seen ^and been convinced that drawing [underline] one Quart [end underline] of Grain, from this Grainery [sic], will turn a [underline] thousand Bushells [sic] [end underline], and at the same time throw up Showers of air thru all the Grain deposited. I am, with every Principle of Regard & Respect, Your Excellency’s most obliged, affection, & faithfull [sic]

J. Gardiner

P.S. The Lettucing [sic] on the Top, is so made as to be taken out and removed, that you may see the inner Construction of the Grainery [sic]; &, where no peculation is suspected, may be wholly omitted. It must stand under Cover, or, perhaps with the greater Propriety, in a Box.

[end page 2  |  begin verso]

His Excellency Governor Bowdoin
Too incomplete to publish

John Gardiner, Esqr, Letter w.th a Drawing of a ferry-boat representing an easy method of Crossing a River by means of ye current only : together with a model of [strikethrough] new [end strikethrough] a Grainery [sic] contrived by him, for preserving Grain from Vermin, & keeping it constantly ventilated and dry. Septr. 16. 1786.

(Suspended.) [in pencil]

[N.] 8 Jany. 1802

[end verso]

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Endnotes

• 1

  Most likely Garretson. Lineage: Descendants of Gerrit Segers (b c1620) of New Amsterdam, New Netherlands Nicholas Garrison, Sr (1701-1781), son of Lambert, Sr., of Staten Island, NY & Bethlehem, PA, sea captain for the Moravian Church, brought most Moravian settlers from Europe to America. Sons were all crewmen for their father: Nicholas Garrison, Jr., Benjamin Garrison, Lambert Garrison.

• 2

  Gardiner’s lowercase “t” at the end of a word is similar in appearance to a lowercase “s”.

• 3

  Peculation: embezzlement  or taking of property for one’s own use; theft of money or goods entrusted to one

N[icholas] Garrison [Jr.] to John Gardiner, 1787 January 4; New Port.

Newport Jany. 4. 1787

Dear Sir

I shall endeavor to answer your Letter of the 29th ult, which I just recd. as Intelligible as I can; Supposing when the Principle is once understood, the Modification will not be difficult, and ^which in many instances is arbitrary. Suppose a Ship at Anchor in a River with a strong stream, If the helm be put a port, the Vessel will shear to the Starboard Shore, as far as her cable will let her. The Rudder is not the Cause, but the Stream; for if I fasten a Rope, or Spring, to the Cable and fasten it to her Stern, letting out a little Cable, she will Shear in like manner without the Rudder.

Again, Suppose a River a Mile wide (which is too wide for a Rope) I’ll get a Chain the Length of the width of the River, and one End being fastened to a sufficient Anchor, place the same in the middle of the River, its whole Length & more, above the intended Ferry, and take a sufficient Number of Boats (say 12) to bear up the said Chain, by putting a little spar or Mast 1/3 of her Length from the Stern, in each Boat, (with a Swivel at the Top, & a Groove, for the Chain to lay in) about 5 or 6 feet Long. To the other End of the Chain which will be at the last Boat, I would fasten a Rope or Pendant of 5 or 6 Fathom ^long, and to that a Guy to which a Flat or Scow is fastened. If the Guys are fastened at equal length’s [sic] from the Centre, or where they meet, to both Ends of the Flat; she will not move. But if I draw in 2 or three fathom of one of them, or let out as much of one of them, the one Guy becomes so much shorter or longer than the other and will put the Flat in another position and in motion. The Column of Water that struck her at right Angles before will now strike her at an acute Angle at the ^fore part of her that points up the Stream, and as she is not sufficient to stand her ground & repel the Water, [strikethrough] she [end strikethrough] and there is nothing to obstruct her from going sideways ^she will glide off (for the Chain & Boats will follow in the same direction, and the Water pursues his Course without interrupting according to its abundance) [strikethrough] and [end strikethrough] She will move sideways (tho to appearance foreward [sic]) in ^the proportion ^of Time that a particle of Water striking the fore part will reach the hind, or after part, which when it doth the fore part ^will be already [impel’d] ^off 20 or 30 feet towards one Shore ^(or from the Line of direction of the Water), where she finally Lands. Then puting [sic] the End that went foremost in the same direction against the Stream, as the other End was, by means of the Guys She will go back of herself.

But where a Rope is practicable; It is Stretch’d across the River at Right Angles with the Course of the Stream 2 or 3 Rood above the Landing Place. Horizontal, that is the Ends of Equal Heighth [sic] from the Surface of the Water, hav’g at One End a Windlass to Stretch the Rope when it Slackens. The Other End is either made fast to a Stout Post, or Tree. The Rope over Beth.ms Ferry is about 6 inches and Worm’d as the Block will run better; The Sheave of wch. need not be above 3 In. {{Diam:}} & of Brass with an Iron [“Arm”]. The Flat at Bethlehem is about [4]8 feet Long and as wide inside, below as conveniently to admit Carriages, w.ch are all made by one Standard there, that is the weadth [sic]. The Side of the Flat up the Stream ought to be perpendicular, and should be so built as to admit Carriages with ease, which is done by
means

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

by means of a Bridge at each End, hung like a Strong Door, and in order to Let it down, and hoist it up, A Lever is fix’d on one Side, on the Gunnel upon a Timber head, having a Ring at the End of the Bridge to go in, and an Iron Shap to keep it down at the Heel when the Bridge is Hoisted up, so that when she is going over, the [strike out] the [end strike out] Bridge will lay partly horizontal, and when she is Landing the strap is [strikethrough] let down [end strikethrough] put from the Heel, which will then go up, and the Bridge will fall so as to admit an easy passage for the Carriage to go out. The Guys are fasten’d to the Flat as near the extreme Ends as convenient with a Hook in the Guy, and Eye-Bolt on the Flat, or the reverse. If the Guys are fastened to the Block without attendant, the Flat will go steady, but if a Pendant of convenient Length be first fasten’d, before the Guys, the Flat will go considerably faster, and not press so hard on The Rope, for the Block will run by Long Serges, and there will be hardly any Friction to impede the Flat from going over as quick as the force of the Water will possibly admit. When the Flat is Large and heavy, it is very convenient to have Blocks fasten’d to the pendants at equal distance from the [?] thro’ w.ch a Rope, having one End fast to the Flat, in Reav’d, and [pistling] at the other part, will require but ½ the the [sic] Strength of a Single Rope.

If after this Description there should still remain any thing unintelligible I am with pleasure at your Service with which I remain Dr Sir your very humbl Servt.

N Garrison

You’l [sic] please to Ensure the Interlineations, as I could not spare Time to write a fair Coppy. [sic]

[end page 2  |  begin verso] 

4

To

John Gardiner Esqr
Boston

favd by Mr. Mumford who is desired to deliver this himself

[end verso]

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John Gardiner to James Bowdoin, 1787 January 25; Boston.

Beacon Street Thursday 25th Jany. 1787

Dr Sir!

Inclosed [sic] is a Letter I lately received from my Friend Mr. [underline] Garrison [end underline] of Newport, Rhode-Island, in answer to one I had written to him requesting him to give a minute Disription [sic] of the [underline] Moravian Brethren’s [end underline] Ferry Boat, which crosses the [underline] Lahie1 [sic] [end underline] at [underline] Bethlem [sic] [end underline], in [underline] Pensilvania [sic] [end underline], as well as a full account of the Principles and manner of it’s [sic] being carried, backwards and forwards, over that Ferry. If the account of the Ferry Boat and of the Principles by which it is moved be not ^as full and satisfactory as your Excellency could wish, I will write again to Mr [underline] Garrison [end underline] and obtain from him an answer to any Queries your Excellency may do me the Honor of communicating. My wife and Family unite in most respectfull [sic] Compliments to your Excellency and the Ladies of your Family, with their and your most obliged & obed. humb. Servt

J: Gardiner

[end page 1  |  begin verso]

His Excellency James Bowdoin

[in different hand] Mr Gardiner’s Letter enclosing a Letter to him from Mr. N. Garrison at Newport: describing the Moravian Ferry Boat at Bethlehem: w.th an acco. of ye principles & manner of its motions across the Ferry. – Jany. 25. 1787

[end verso]

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Endnotes

• 1

  Most likely the Lehigh River.

Samuel Freeman to Caleb Gannett, 1787 July 26

Portland July 26, 1787

Dear Sir

I take the liberty to present to the American �����Ƶ through your hand, the inclosed [sic] Scheme of an Almanack1[sic], contrived to suit the Case of a Watch and which on that account I call a [underline] Watch Almanack [end underline]. For those whose Eyes are not yet worse than mine such an Almanack would be very handy and for common purposes sufficiently exact. [strikethrough] When [end strikethrough] For others, who might incline to have one for a like purpose, it would be well to construct it upon [strikethrough] upon [end strikethrough] a larger Scale and instead of two, to have four for a Year, viz one for every three months – and when, by the expiration of one quarter, one becomes useless it may be taken from the case and [strikethrough] put in [end strikethrough] another put in --- The middle figure representing the face of a Watch is of no use – it is placed between the two large figures only to fill up a vacant space --- I suppose [strikethrough] [illegible] [end strikethrough] these figures will not be too large for the general Size of Watches – but should ^it be ever thought worth while to print them on a Copper Plate the Engraver might cut them smaller & yet make the ^figures quite as conspicuous ---

I find them convenient myself and wish to afford a like Convenience to others. This motive I doubt not will be a sufficient Apology for this Letter [strikethrough] and [end strikethrough] as well as for any imperfection that may be discovered in the inclosed [sic] Schemes – especially as an [underline] improvement [end underline] on them may render the [underline] design [end underline] useful---

I am with much Respect
Your most obedient and
very huml Servant

Saml Freeman

[end page 1  |  begin verso]

A Watch Almanack by Saml. Freeman Esqr
July 26 1787
Read Aug 22. 1787

[sideways]

Free
[underline] Saml Freeman [end underline]

Mr Caleb Gannett
Cambridge

[end verso]

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Endnotes

• 1

  The word is spelled in this manner throughout the document.

Samuel Freeman, “A Watch Almanack” [sic]

[text encircled, in center of page]

A
New contrived
Watch
Almanack
For the Year of our Lord
1787

Fig I.

[Illustration of a circular calendar showing the days for the months of January through June]

[Watch face, in center of page between two figures]

Fig II.

[Illustration of a circular calendar showing the days for the months of July through December]

[underline] Explanation [end underline]

1. The lefthand figure or fig. 1 serves for the first, the other for the last six months in the Year – 2. The inner Circle of each figure above the Year, viz 1787 contains the Eclipse of the Sun; below it, those of the Moon.
3. The two next Circles, beginning just above the black spots viz at J 6 or January 6th in the left hand figure and at J 8 or July 8th in the right shew the time ^of Sun-rising and setting for certain days of the Year, by which it may be found for any of the intermediate days to one minute ---
4. The figures in the outer Circle stand for the days and the horizontal Letters for the names of the Months and the small figures annexed to these Letters shew what day of the Week each month begins on. 1. denoting Sunday. 2. Monday. 3. Tuesday. 4. Wed. 5. Thurs. 6. Frid. 7. Saty --- 5. The upper part of the other Circles shew (within eight minutes) the time of high water, the lower that of the Moon rise & Sett. each dot annexd to the fig. being for 15m or ¼ of an hour --- 6. [4 symbols: full circle, crescent moon, r, s ] on the Left of the black spots serve ^to shew you that the Moon falls on the those days against which is the letter r and that the New Moon happens on those days where the letter s is placed ---

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Samuel Haven to Revd. Mr. [Manasseh] Cutler on the colouring corn, 1789 June 7

Portsm[outh] June 7 1789

Revd. & Dear Sir,

I have made some further enquiry concerning the colouring corn I spake [sic] to you about. I wish I could have obtained some sooner – but it was out of my power – and even now tho’ I have sent you only seven kernels, they are half I could obtain, so high are they in demand. I have likewise sent you some small shreds as patterns of the Colours said corn will dye. I wish they had been larger, but they are the largest I could get – the kernels of sd corn, the leaves, & the stalk & cobb are all serviceable in dying [sic] – but the stalk is the best. The Colours may be altered by adding a greater quantity of what is to set the dye – I presume you will plant the few kernels I have sent you for [experiment] & in rich ground –

I think this discovery may be of public utility to us in the Infancy of our Manufacturies [sic] – should any others come to my knowledge, I shall do my self the honour to communicate them to you – and if you think this worth the attention of that Honorable Society of which you are an important member be so kind as to mention it in my Name & with high Esteem & respect, to that patriotic Society –

[end page 1  |  begin page 2]

Mrs Haven joins me in the most cordial salutations to you & your Lady. We retain a grateful Remembrance of the polite & Christian manner in which we were entertained at your House in our late Journey –

I have the pleasure to be with great Esteem & brotherly Love your Friend & huml. Sevt Saml [underline] Haven [end underline]

P.S. The above Colours have been proved by soap Sudds [sic]

[underline] Revd Mr. Cutler [end underline]

[end page 2  |  begin wrapper]

Revd Dr Haven’s Letter to Revd Mr Cutler on the colouring corn –

Read Augst 19. 1789

[address]

paid

Revd. Manasseh Cutler

Ipswich

[end wrapper]

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“Federal Colours” addressed to [Manasseh Cutler], [1789 June 7]

Federal Colours ~

[end page]

Page 1

Samuel L. Mitchill, Observations on Rainbows known as sun-dogs

{{25 Aug 90}} [in pencil] 
{{S L Mitchill}} [in pencil]
Meteorological Remarks and Conjectures:

On the morning of the eighth day of May 1790, there appeared at Hamstead a remarkable Circle around the Sun. The East was somewhat overspread with thin clouds when the Sun rose and very soon after three Parhelia were visible, one on each side and one directly above him. They were equidistant from the Sun, which was their common Centre. At first they appeared like luminous Spots, in no respect differing from the common phaenomena of that kind observed by Philosophers and the People and known by the names of Sun-dogs, Mock-suns, and Weather-balls. After a short time the uppermost dilated and lengthened so much as to describe an Arch of thirty degrees, and exhibited beautifully and distinctly the Rainbow-colours. Soon after this, the clouds underwent a small change, the effect of which was, that the Curves enlarged toward the northward Spot, so as to join it and extend beyond it, and describe more than ninety Degrees. The Bow then extended toward the southward Spot, untill [sic] a junction was formed with it and continued below it: So that the three Parhelia were connected by the intervening Iris, whose Extremities approximated on the lower side untill [sic] they lacked only forty degrees of compleating the Circle.

These appearances lasted several Hours and were beheld by many People untill [sic] as the splendour of the Sun increased toward Nine of the Clock before noon, the brightness of the colours was effaced and they assumed the ordinary form of a Halo. See the Figure.

[Described Illustration]

[end page 1 | begin page 2]

Not long afterward, the clouds suffered some alteration, and in consequence a Rainbow sometimes partially and sometimes wholly encompassed the Sun, with very vivid Colours untill [sic] about mid-day when the Weather became quite clear.

On the twenty first day of April this same year, a Rainbow appeared round the Sun, and was discovered by the following accident. I was riding on horseback along the foot of a Hill, where much water issued from the Springs and settled in the depressions and hollows of the Path. The water was exceedingly clear, the Air very calm and the Sky somewhat cloudy. As I looked down toward the Earth, I saw the Rainbow Colours around the Sun, distinctly and fairly reflected from the Surface of the Water; when on turning my Eyes upward, I found it impossible to discern and distinguish them on account of the intolerable Effulgence. But on viewing the water again and again a similar appearance was evident for the duration of half an Hour.

And on the morning of January 19. 1790, the Colours were in like manner distinguishable between the hours of eight and nine at Brooklyn, plainly expressive of the circular disposition.

[Illustration]

From these Premises may we not reasonably conjecture that a perfect Rainbow can be formed between the Sun and the Spectator? Is not the Iris in such Cases frequently an intire [sic] Circle? Do not these Rainbows, as they become faint and obscure, exhibit the Phenomena of Parhelia before they vanish? Would it be unphilosophical to suppose they could be more frequently seen if the excessive brightness of the Sun’s Rays did not disqualify the Eye for discriminating of Colours? Cannot
all the

[end page 2 | begin page 3]

all these appearances be referred to a single Principle and explained thereby? Let us make the Attempt.

It is a Truth manifest to all who have noticed the fields in the Country on a Spring-morning that Dew-drops divide the Sun-beams and exhibit their component Colours to the [underline] eastward [end underline] as well as to the [underline] westward [end underline] of the beholder; and in fact, the prismatic appearances present themselves to him which way soever he looks. But they are not so beautiful and distinct on the side toward the orient Sun, as on the opposite, because the Eye is too much dazzled to discern them. The Colours however do not the less exist on that account. Here then is a fact capable of elucidating the whole Phenomenon. When a certain number of watry [sic] particles in the form of a sparse Cloud intercept the solar Rays in the upper Regions of the Atmosphere, they effect a change in them, exactly similar to that wrought by the Dew-drops. It is also a fact, known to all observers that Nature according to a [standing] Law paints Rainbows of a circular figure invariably, even on the dewy cobwebs spread among the Grass. That the Iris should therefore assume a like shape in the Clouds may be reasonably expected from the analogy of the other Cases. Thus it seems that these Phenomena are referable to the same General laws of Nature with the ordinary Rainbow, altho’ hitherto deemed exceptions, and tried to be solved upon other Principles.

I confess I never was intirely [sic] pleased ^with the Newtonian Theory of the Rainbow: and am now disposed to believe more than ever, that, like Æpinus’s Theory of Magnetism, it is contrived ingeniously to apply to the Phenomena, without explaining them. If there is a magnetic fluid, according to Æpinus, that fluid moving in the Lines which he has described, may accompany the Load-Stone and even occasion its peculiar
qualities

[end page 3 | begin page 4]

qualities: but the magnetic phenomena are not altered a whit, if no such fluid exists. So if Light is a fluid as Newton thought, and moves along the lines he has chalked out, then ^the facts so far, do not contradict the Theory: but the whole Theory may be false, while the phænomena remain the same.

[end page 4]

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Oliver Fiske to Jeremy Belknap, 1792 August 13

Worcester, Augt 13th 1792

Revd & Hond Sir

Though personally a Stranger to you, yet knowing your character as a Member of the �����Ƶ, I take the liberty to transmit to you some extraordinary facts in the natural Mystery of the Dog – part of which I was personally witness to [text lost] the whole may be relied on as authentic.

Should you think the enclosed merits a place in the memoirs of the �����Ƶ, by communicating it you will oblige Sir your

friend and hble sert
O. Fiske

Revd. Jeremy Belknap D.D.

[end page 1  |  begin verso]

Mr. [Fiske’s] Letter

Read 14 Novr. 1792.

[sideways]

Revd. Jeremy Bilknap [sic] D.D.
Boston

[end verso]

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Oliver Fiske, [Mysterious case of the dog, 1792 August 13]

A cat, belonging to Dr Willard of Uxbridge, a few days after having a litter of kittens was killed by a large house-dog, instigated by ill nature and his natural antipathy to this domestic animal. The kittens, apprised of their loss by hunger, began their incessant moans. Being too young to be fed, the children of the family, to whom they were dear, could afford them nothing but their caresses and condolance [sic]. These however did not long suppress their cries.

A small bitch, who for a few years had been a quiet inhabitant with the cat, soon appeared affected with their distress and attempted to approach them, but was frequently repulsed with severity by the children, who thought her also hostile to their favourite kittens. However so importunate was the bitch, that for their safety they removed them to an

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obscure part of a chamber. But her compassion was not thus easily suppressed nor her vigilance eluded, for a short time after upon their visiting the kittens they discovered that she had found their retreat and was performing the most tender duties of a MOTHER!

The kittens now became more quiet. From this time the bitch regularly and fondly nourished them as her own offspring, and the kittens never appeared to distinguish her from their natural mother.

However extraordinary the above account may appear, it may perhaps be considered [strikethrough] much [end strikethrough] still more wonderful and curious, that the kittens should obtain nourishment, as the bitch had not given [strikethrough – illegible] ^suck to her own young except about [underline] two years [end underline] before.

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